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Ivory Coast’s Development Failures

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Ivory Coast

Violent conflict, as in Ivory Coast, often results from the contradictions created by dysfunctional social and political arrangements. Photograph:Development and human rights specialists must scrutinize past failures that have contributed to Ivory Coast’s predicament so the mistakes of the last generation aren’t repeated.
On Monday, Ivory Coast’s former president, Laurent Gbagbo, was finally arrested and his adversary, Alassane Ouattara, assumed power after winning elections four months ago. The long-delayed presidential election led to a violent dénouement, resulting in killings and rapes across the country.

Gbagbo, who lost presidential elections in November 2010, intentionally created a situation in which at least parts of the country may remain ungovernable by Ouattara.

Even while the military endgame played out in Abidjan, post-conflict development specialists were presumably drawing up plans for interventions such as disarmament, demobilisation and reintegration, security sector reform, and resettlement of refugees and internally displaced persons. Post-conflict changes of government present situations in which weakened states are in need of outside assistance, and citizens and their leaders are more prone than usual to entertain the need for structural changes in their societies, economies, or armies.

For international development and human rights specialists, many of whom have a predilection toward social engineering, such settings present a near utopia. Donors frightened by the prospect of further violence may loosen their purse strings, governments in power are unable to exercise their full sovereignty, and at least some people are interested in change – giving these outside actors the kind of “buy-in” that legitimates their presence.

Ouattara already has to deal with various international actors calling for Gbagbo to be put on trial, which would alienate the former president’s supporters (who after all did represent 46% of the vote). He also has to draw a fractious group of internally divided security forces, militias and former rebel commanders into a coherent security structure.

Violent conflict often results from the contradictions created by dysfunctional social and political arrangements. These dysfunctions aren’t always the result of a internal problems – they can sometimes be the symptoms of interventions from outside, including the failed undertakings of development initiatives. In such cases, these failures need close scrutiny before today’s generation of “fixers” repeats the mistakes of the last generation.
Past failures

Some of the prior development failures that have contributed to Ivory Coast’s predicament include:

1 A neo-colonial model of development: the country’s original president for life, Félix Houphouët-Boigny, and a series of French presidents, embraced a neo-colonial model of development that made the “Ivorian miracle” a model for Africa and also a nexus of the network of corruption that came to be known as Françafrique. Paradoxically, the economic benefits of this system helped to paper over deeper political problems in the country in the boom years, while it exacerbated the resentments and political polarisation that emerged as the economy began to shrink.

2 Transparency initiatives that became subverted into new forms of opacity. Calls by the World Bank and others to eliminate the parasitic cocoa marketing board slush fund known as the “stabilisation account” simply resulted in its replacement by a yet more byzantine system of front institutions and shell companies. Rather than educating and mobilising cocoa farmers to demand these changes, the Bank’s elite-to-elite mode of negotiating these changes facilitated the bad faith reaction of their Ivorian interlocutors and thus increased levels of theft.

3 Democracy proselytisation that fetishised presidential elections, but left term limits, the balance of powers and strengthening of legislatures by the wayside, thus leaving the all-or-nothing ethos among politicians mostly unchanged from the era of the one-party state.

4 Education initiatives that treated more education for more people as an absolute good without contemplating what a society with better-educated, better-informed people who had no jobs and no prospects might look like. Would they accept lives as subsistence farmers? Or would they see the only hope of gaining stable bureaucratic jobs through supporting political parties organised around identity that would take care of their constituents at the expense of everyone else? This kind of political base connects the all-or-nothing logic of high-level actors to the mundane aspirations of their educated constituents, and normalises the practice of gutting institutions after changes in power to provide jobs to constituents in a setting of extremely high unemployment. This weakens government institutions and normalises the approach to politics that justifies any means to gain power and then keep it.

5 Poorly timed human rights pronouncements, like the international criminal court’s statement that no Ivorian would have immunity from prosecution for war crimes or crimes against humanity. This statement, made when Gbagbo was in a bunker and various actors were trying to reach a negotiated solution to end the fighting, ensured he would not surrender. Knowing he was likely to be headed for The Hague, he had little to lose by fighting to the end.

These kinds of unintended consequences of development or human rights initiatives did not cause the Ivorian conflict, but they failed to minimise the human suffering that took place. Like most places, if most Ivorians have jobs and the future looks prosperous, many of today’s contestations over citizenship, ethnicity and religion would most likely diminish in intensity. On the other hand, with each instance of intercommunal massacre, rape or conflict, the force of these differences becomes far greater. The best hope for Ivory Coast is economic growth that creates employment, and a durable disarmament of the many militias. These two objectives will reinforce each other, but development and peacebuilding initiatives will first have to make certain they “do no harm” to the existing situation. This requires thoughtfulness, attention to past failures as well as successes, and a willingness to listen and learn.

• Mike McGovern teaches social anthropology at Yale University. He is the author of Making War in Côte d’Ivoire, and a former west Africa project director of the International Crisis Group

Oil Minister in N2.2b Bribery Scandal

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The scam is breathtaking in its brazenness: in exchange for obtaining the authorisation to import gasoline, oil marketers are being instructed by an agency in the petroleum industry to call a mobile telephone number and pay a bribe of $8 per metric tonne of petroleum allocated to them. This single scam, which was imposed just last week on oil marketers such as Conoil, Total, Sahara, Oando, African Petroleum, Mobil and the rest of the 36-member field, involves the 1.8 million tonnes of refined petroleum approved for importation for the April to June quarter by Diezani Allison-Madueke, the petroleum minister. Each marketer is scheduled to import between 50,000 and 180,000 tonnes for the quarter, industry and government sources said. By these numbers, each company is liable to pay between $400,000 and $1.44 million, or a total of $14.4 million.

The agency at the heart of this particular scandal is the Petroleum Products Pricing Regulatory Agency, or PPPRA, which is in charge of government subsidies to keep gasoline prices low. The agency issues letters of authorisation that allow oil marketers to import gasoline and other subsidised products. The agency, like the Petroleum Development Trust Fund, has customarily operated under the supervision of the presidency. But upon being named minister a year ago, Mrs. Allison-Madueke fought to consolidate the agencies under her direct control, including throwing a tantrum during a cabinet meeting at which the president finally gave her what she desired, according to those at the meeting. After taking control of the PPRA, the minister appointed a trusted pal, an NNPC official close to retirement, Godi Ebugi, as the agency’s executive secretary. It is believed that Mr. Ebugi is at the agency to do the minister’s bidding.

Helping the boss

According to multiple sources in the oil industry and at the highest reaches of our government, Mrs. Allison-Madueke has let it be known that this and other back-channel payments are required in part to fund the election campaign of her boss, President Goodluck Jonathan.

“This ‘small toll’, we are told, is to finance the president’s re-election campaign,” a well-placed source from one of the affected oil marketers told us.

NEXT has no information to suggest that the president’s campaign is in fact linked to this bribery scandal. It is not unusual for thieving officials to claim that they are acting at the behest of a president. Upon being contacted by our reporters, a spokesperson for the president’s campaign reacted with alarm and issued a sharp denial.

“That is absolutely not true,” said the spokesperson, Abba Dabo. “The PCC (Presidential Campaign Committee) has mandated nobody to collect anything for it. We have nothing to do with any collection by any government organ. If somebody is making any request on our behalf, we need to know who it is.”

Agent Go-Between

The shakedown of the oil marketers, which amounts to about N2.2 billion, is payable only in cash to a shady character traced by our reporters to a small office in Abuja called Mr. Rufai, who is serving as the bag man for Mrs. Allison-Madueke’s most trusted officials. It is Mr. Rufai who directed our reporters, posing as representatives of an oil marketer, to his office and instructed them on how to make the payment. Our reporters had called the same mobile telephone number given to the oil marketers.

Mr. Rufai, a tall, bespectacled, light-skinned man, operates out of a small office at 17 Constantine Street in Wuse Zone 4, Abuja. His job is to receive cash from the oil companies for onward disbursement to PPPRA officials who, in turn, are expected to pass it to Mrs. Allison-Maduekwe, according to numerous sources. Mr. Rufai directs all ‘clients’ to his office, located on the first floor of a rambling two-storey building amongst several other small bureau de change establishments, and assists them in calculating the total value of money to be paid in bribes. Audio and video excerpts of our reporter’s encounter with Mr. Rufai can be found at 234NEXT.com.

While Mr. Rufai serves as the bag man, the bribery plan is actually initiated at the PPPRA’s offices in the Central Business District of Abuja, where the general manager for operations, Gbenga Komolafe, or his representative, would typically be the first port of call for the oil marketers.

“He or his representative then tells the gasoline marketers that they have to pay $8 per tonne in order to collect their authorisation letter,” said an industry source who, like most people contacted for this story, spoke only on the condition that their identities be concealed in order not to jeopardise their business or official relationships.

‘It’s all a lie’

Mrs. Allison-Madueke did not make herself available for an interview. But a spokesman angrily denied that she has anything to do with any scam, saying this story has been concocted “to tarnish the image of a hardworking minister.”

“There is nothing in any way to say that such sharp practices exist,” said the spokesman, Levi Ajuonoma, who also doubles as spokesman for the quasi-independent Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation, NNPC. “And to concoct such [a] story at this point in time is calculated at tarnishing the image of a hardworking minister and the PPPRA executives.”

“We totally disassociate ourselves from such [a] story,” he added. “The purported evidence, in our judgement, is contrived to support the reporter’s jaundiced view of the industry and her senior executives. It is one of the attempts to create disharmony and disrupt the smooth running and stability of the downstream which many Nigerians are now enjoying.”

None of the oil companies would admit on the record that they have paid the bribes, and those who did asked that their identities be protected so that their businesses would not be jeopardised. Others denied outright that they had paid any bribes. Acharu Osime, a spokeswoman for oil marketer Sahara Energy, vehemently denied her company’s involvement in any wrongdoing.

“This is a false allegation,” she protested. “We go through due process upholding our integrity and credibility in all our business transactions. We have and will never involve ourselves in anything less,” she said.

Niyi Olowola of Oando, while confirming that his firm had received approval for petrol importation for the quarter, also denied paying any bribes.

“It is not possible, we did not make any payment,” he said, adding that authorisation for Oando, as a major industry player, should not come as a surprise. “Oando is the largest importer of fuel. That is not anything out of normal,” he said.

The spokesperson for the PPPRA, Wole Adamolekun, as at press time, still asked for more time to give an official response even though he had been given over 16 hours to respond. However, Lanre Oladele, who apparently spoke for Mr. Adamolekun, denied that any bribe payment scheme existed in his agency.

“To the best of my knowledge, I am not aware of anything like that and I don’t believe anything like that exists,” he said

Who will tell the president?

This latest of many ripoffs has created an uproar in the industry, which has been smarting for the past year under what is generally seen as the incompetent, inattentive, and uncommonly corrupt leadership of Mrs. Allison-Madueke. Legion are the tales of shakedowns, the elevation of hitherto unknown “suitcase” companies to the status of major industry players, of appointments with key industry leaders not kept and board meetings not held.

This view is shared by a surprisingly large number of high-level government officials. But many discuss the matter only in whispers, because of a widespread belief that Mrs. Allison-Madueke enjoys an unusually close personal relationship with the president.

“That’s why nobody says anything,” said one high-ranking official.

In the bubble typically created around a president — an isolation that has elicited public complaints even from Mr. Jonathan himself — it is not at all clear that the president has any clue of the widespread disaffection with his petroleum minister.

A call to account

Opposition parties have reacted angrily to the bribery scandal. Yinka Odumakin, a spokesperson for the Buhari-Bakare campaign, called for an immediate investigation.

“This confirms our position that the problems of this country are caused by the PDP,” Mr. Odumakin said. “They are the ones that are giving out the contracts and are also the ones that are collecting the contracts.”

DRC: Moved on to a Minefield

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Mining in DR Congo

KISANGANI, More than 1,000 people in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) have been ordered to move to a suspected minefield because the authorities want to build shops and restaurants on the site of their old homes.

However, Kisangani mayor Augustin Osumaka Lofanga told IRIN; “The landmine argument doesn’t stand up.

“If there is a risk, it is only 10 percent. Nobody has died yet,” he said, adding that demining of the area had already been conducted by Handicap International Belgium and “if not properly done, it is their responsibility…

“This is a simple demolition of shacks and makeshift homes… Investors should take advantage of the land to build inns, hotels and flats.”

On 4 March the mayor told the 1,350 villagers of Tsamaka they had 30 days to move about 100m towards the suspected minefield, and on 18 March, with police in attendance, the local authorities started destroying their shacks – against the advice of the UN Mine Action Centre (UNMAC), and despite the fact that Mechem Demining was to have begun mine-clearance operations there on 1 April.

“It’s exactly as if we were told: Go die,” said Kamulete Michel, who lived in one of the 206 demolished homes on the edge of an airport.

Local deminers in charge of the programme said they were very surprised by the municipal decision. One of them, Dikon Limbombe, told IRIN: “We have asked the mayor to postpone his ultimatum for two months, or give the villagers another option.”

Former employees of Handicap International said only trial clearance operations had been conducted on a 50 sqm area. The arrival in Kisangani of a Mine Wolf MW330 on 16 March was part of UNMAC plans to sweep the whole area over the next two months.

Furthermore, the mined area of Bamgboka, opposite the airport, was recently added to the list of dangerous areas near Kisangani.

At risk

According to Mike Kelly of Mechem Demining, the field in question was considered at risk after a farmer found seven mines there late in 2010, and a further three mines were discovered in early 2011.

On the night of 19-20 March, a fire set by villagers to clear the land they were supposed to move to caused two explosions. “The intensity of the noise suggests a mine went up,” Kelly said.

It is difficult to determine the extent of a minefield and that is why the whole area is considered dangerous, he added.

“We’re like refugees; we should at least have tarpaulins while we wait for our new homes to be finished; last night’s storm flooded everything,” said village chief Mondo Songola, adding that his villagers were further at risk by having to find the timber for rebuilding from a nearby forest.

They do not know that this forest zone has been marked with signs by teams from Handicap International Belgium, he said, “but we have no choice… We’re supposed to finish our houses by next week, and the municipal authorities are only helping by destroying what we had.”

IRIN noticed that children had taken down mine warning notices and were playing with them.

The villagers have been living on the site since 1979, one year after the inauguration of the nearby airport.

UNMAC has registered 2,412 victims of mines and unexploded ordnance in the DRC since 2002, but many others have not been identified.

Open Letter to the UN Security Council on the Situation in Côte d’Ivoire

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The political and military command structures of the Mission must be reinforced as quickly as possible. Its capacities to monitor the situation, process information and react to facts on the ground, including through public human rights reporting and supervision of the 2004 arms embargo, need significant improvement. The UN’s reputation is at stake. The Council should also seek to ensure the rapid deployment of the additional troops authorised by SCR 1967 (2011), and the Secretariat should rotate better trained and equipped peacekeepers from Troop Contributing Countries instructed to use robust force.

Brussels, 25 March 2011
Excellencies,
The security and humanitarian situation in Côte d’Ivoire is rapidly deteriorating. Civil war in the country has been reignited; we are no longer warning of the risk of war, but urging swift action to halt the fighting and prevent ethnic cleansing and other mass atrocity crimes.

With Côte d’Ivoire on its agenda for the last nine years and a strong peacekeeping mission (UNOCI) in the country, currently including 9000 uniformed personnel, the UN Security Council must immediately take appropriate measures to stop the war, including those requested by the Authority of Heads of State and Government of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) in its resolution adopted on 24 March. Failure to do so risks seeing the Ivorian crisis spiral further out of control, destabilising Côte d’Ivoire’s fragile neighbours, Liberia and Guinea-Conakry.

It should, moreover, support the diplomatic efforts of the African Union and ECOWAS. Once named, the High Representative appointed by the president of the AU Commission should offer a last chance to defeated president Laurent Gbagbo and his entourage to leave power under appropriate financial and security guarantees. This is still the best way out of the crisis.

However, since Gbagbo may still reject any offer, the Security Council should immediately authorise military action to ensure the protection of the population by UNOCI or other authorised forces and to support President Alassane Ouattara and his government in exercising authority over the armed forces and ensuring the territorial integrity of the state.

As stated in the ECOWAS resolution, the situation in Côte d’Ivoire is now a regional humanitarian emergency. Military operations by armed forces loyal to Gbagbo are now underway, with heavy arms being used in attacks on the Abobo area of Abidjan, where Ouattara supporters are based. These attacks come after intensifying confrontations between Gbagbo’s forces and armed groups affiliated to Ouattara over the past month.

According to the UN, 440 people have been killed and 500,000 have been forced to flee their homes. This toll is still growing. There are reports of sexual violence, summary execution and individuals being burnt alive. Gbagbo’s militias continue to perpetrate violence and organise road blocks controlled by armed men, and elements in the Ouattara camp have also been implicated in targeting civilians.

After orchestrating a coup d’état to stay in power and now shaken economically and militarily, Gbagbo’s regime is intentionally driving the country to chaos. His camp is calling Ivorian youths to join the army en masse with the promise to distribute arms to new recruits. Meanwhile, Gbagbo-controlled media broadcast hate speech and incite violence. The Security Council should again condemn the violent attacks and propagation of hate speech and proceed with individual sanctions against responsible persons. Methods and capacities to block or jam outlets broadcasting hate speech should be authorised by the Council and its Members.

Unfortunately, UNOCI appears overwhelmed by the situation. Intimidated by constant harassment from Gbagbo’s camp, UNOCI is unable to implement its mandate to protect civilians subjected to violence or the threat of violence. The UN’s posture in the country must change, and UNOCI must be required to use force when necessary to carry out its mandate effectively.

The political and military command structures of the Mission must be reinforced as quickly as possible. Its capacities to monitor the situation, process information and react to facts on the ground, including through public human rights reporting and supervision of the 2004 arms embargo, need significant improvement. The UN’s reputation is at stake. The Council should also seek to ensure the rapid deployment of the additional troops authorised by SCR 1967 (2011), and the Secretariat should rotate better trained and equipped peacekeepers from Troop Contributing Countries instructed to use robust force.

Even with these essential measures taken, UNOCI might not have the capacity to intervene effectively to stop the civil war and ensure adequate protection should mass violence and ethnic cleansing break out. Preparedness for this all-too likely scenario is not only essential, but a fundamental responsibility of the Council and its Members. The Security Council should authorise an ECOWAS-led mission to take all necessary measures to ensure the protection of the Ivorian people.

Louise Arbour
President and CEO
International Crisis Group

Libya: Gaddafi and his Mali-Chad Tuareg mercenarie

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Muammar Al Gaddafi

As an international intervention to stop Colonel Muammar Gaddafi from committing further atrocities against Libyans continue, the north African country’s leader remains impassive and has sworn to win this battle at all costs. The self professed Libyan “Guide” is relying on his armed forces and a number of African mercenaries. But the so-called mercenaries, mostly Tuaregs, have another problem at hand.

For some time now, a strange procession of 4X4 vehicles has been noted in the Sahara desert. According to local sources, some 800 young Tuaregs from Niger and Mali have journeyed to Libya to join Colonel Gaddafi’s military rank and file.

“They leave in small armed groups (…) with 400 euros each, and nobody checks their entry,” Ibrahim Diallo, a journalist who lives in the region of Agadez, Niger, told Afrik.Tv. These young people, mostly veterans of the 2006 and 2008 rebellions, attracted by the promise of money, are recruited by Niger Tuaregs who have settled in Libya, as well as Aghaly Ag Alambo, former rebel leader of the Niger Movement for Justice (MNJ).

“There is a lot of unemployment in the north. The population is isolated, tourism is in shambles. To survive, young people have no other choice but to work for Al Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM) or serve as mercenaries,” observes Abdoulahi Attayoub, head of Temoust, a Tuareg website. Last November, Tuaregs had been accused of complicity with members of Al Qaeda. They were suspected of having handed Western hostages over to the islamist organization for large sums of money.

Pure work of fiction?

The same trend has been noted in Mali where, according to local sources, several convoys have left the towns of Gao and Kidal Sebbha for Libya. RFI (Radio France International) correspondent in Mali, Serge Daniel, says he saw “young unemployed Malian Tuaregs,” offer their services in a five star hotel in Bamako “for US$ 1000 a week.”

These young Tuaregs have added to the numbers of mercenaries, reportedly from from Chad, Somalia, Zimbabwe, Ethiopia, Burkina Faso and Liberia, who have been joining the regular Libyan army.

“Flights have been ensuring the transfer of mercenaries in collusion with some West African leaders. Muammar Gaddafi has much influence on political leaders due to the help he has given them. I cannot say that every president is aware of these recruitments but when one has an inkling on the number of political parties funded by Gaddafi some questions may be asked,” says Moussa Al Koni, former Consul General of Mali in Libya.

But according to Moussa Al Koni, who recently resigned from his diplomatic position, the recruitment of Tuaregs in Mali and Niger is fictitious. “They have enough idle Tuareg youths in Libya, they do not need to go look elsewhere,” he says with conviction.

Gaddafi’s Tuaregs

In the 90’s, Tuaregs fleeing repression in Mali sought refuge in Libya. During the rebellion, Muammar Gaddafi served as mediator between the authorities in Mali and Niger on the one hand and the Tuareg rebels on the other.

“He doled out large sums of money to the leaders of rebel movements. He helped them in order to secure his hegemonic position in the Sahara region,” says Camille Lefebvre, a specialist historian on Niger.

The result of Gaddafi’s support has enabled many Tuaregs to acquire Libyan nationality thereby allowing them to join the northern African country’s army. And according to Moussa Al Koni, the Libyan-Tuareg soldiers who number between 3000 and 4000 have been transferred from the traditaional base in the south to the north of the country where the protests are taking place.

“Gaddafi formed the ’Maraoui’ division composed of Tuareg fighters. These (Tuareg foot soldiers) have been used in Chad and Lebanon where many of them lost their lives.”

Nonetheless, some Tuaregs are grateful to Muammar Gaddafi. “For them, Libya has been a rear base for Tuaregs. Thanks to this country they have acquired military training. They think that the Libyan colonel will always be there for them in difficult times,” posits Hama Ag Sid Ahmed, spokesman of a Tuareg Movement in Mali led by Ibrahim Ag Bahanga who is bent on ensuring that none of his troops join Gaddafi’s forces in Libya.

Since early 2010, the movement has been seeking to re-organize itself both politically and militarily to confront the “harmful silence of the central government in Bamako (…) The insurgency in Libya has not distracted the Tuareg from their goals. It has rather allowed them to come together to deliberate issues and to draw up new perspectives,” Hama Ag Sid Ahmed adds.

Despite these efforts, many observers have expressed fears over a possible degeneration of the situation to the northern region of Mali and Niger. “There is fear of confusion and stigmatization of the Tuareg community. If Muammar Gaddafi falls, there’ll be nobody to serve as a buffer between the authorities and us. If states do not talk with the Tuaregs (now, editor’s note) and or take into account their demands it will be legitimate to take up arms,” says Abdoulahi Attayoub, President of Temoust.

COTE D’IVOIRE: Our turn to flee

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Abidjan

ABIDJAN – Rachel* is saving up to go to Ghana, pinning her hopes on a friend living in the Ghanaian border town of Elubo, three hours’ drive east of Abidjan.

Rachel told IRIN that life had become intolerable. She had landed a job in early March, offering take-home pay of FCFA8,000 (about US$18) for an evening shift in an up-market bar. But the owners announced a few days later they could not pay staff. Liquidity problems had deteriorated with the closure of most of Abidjan’s banks. Business was falling off badly as customers faded away. Rachel’s job lasted just a couple of days.

“I went with some of the other people being laid off to try for jobs elsewhere, but there was nothing. There is no money out there and everyone has bills to pay: electricity, water, food, rent. It’s impossible”.

Rachel said she could cope with the disappointment of another job gone, but was tired of the gunfire at night. Until recently she had lived in Angré, a neighbourhood that had been relatively calm, but backs on to the southern fringe of Abobo, scene of the worst violence in Abidjan since the post-election crisis began in December 2010.

“I have visited Abobo and seen corpses on the streets,” Rachel explained. “No one should be made to see that sort of thing. Do they want people to die like animals? You kill everyone and you have no one left to govern.”

Rachel said the final straw was the killing of four men near the well-known SOCOCE supermarket in Deux Plateaux, an upmarket neighbourhood with a strong expatriate presence. According to media reports, armed men in a taxi opened fire on a [pro-Laurent Gbagbo] Jeunes Patriotes roadblock near the supermarket. “People came running up, talking about the bodies, but I didn’t want to look. I haven’t got the stomach for this kind of thing.”

Heading for Ghana

The road east to Ghana has become a favourite route out of Abidjan, both for those seeking temporary exile, or just wanting cash from outside. Along with the banks, money transfer services such as Moneygram and Western Union no longer operate in Abidjan, so there is a steady flow of customers to Ghana. The southeast of Côte d’Ivoire is firmly under the control of forces loyal to Laurent Gbagbo, so there are no major fronts to cross, although vehicles are regularly checked by security forces and Jeunes Patriotes. “I was not impressed with their behaviour,” a recent traveller told IRIN. “Lots of requests for cash and they made a point of harassing non-Ivoirians, questioning their documents, demanding money.”

There has been talk of Ghana closing the frontier, concerned by the expanding Ivoirian presence in Elubo and its surroundings, but the cross-border traffic appears to be normal for now.

Fluctuating levels of violence

Abobo remains by far the district worst affected by the violence. In a telephone interview from Abidjan, a youth described seeing arms stored at a primary school and boys between 13 and 18 training on the school grounds. Speaking from nearby Plateau-Dokui against a background of shelling in the distance, he warned of a continuing descent into turmoil. “I do not see a way out. I can’t even think about eating; I’m beside myself with worry about what’s about to happen. Both sides are recruiting and preparing to fight. And UNOCI [UN Mission in Cote d’Ivoire] is completely powerless in this.”

With its large Malinké community, made up of mainly Muslims from northern Côte d’Ivoire and neighbouring states like Mali and Burkina Faso, Abobo is frequently characterized as “pro-[Alassane] Ouattara”. But while the Rassemblement des Houphouëtistes pour la Democratie et la Paix (RHDP) has a huge support base, Abobo, like Yopougon, farther west, is far from homogeneous.

Martin*, who is from the Guéré ethnic group, with family roots in the west, lives in Plateau Dokui, close by the southern part of Abobo. He says the Abobo Baoulé quartier, dominated by the Baoulé from the centre of the country, is off-limits for him. “It’s not far from here, but there is no way I would go there now. I would be putting my life in my hands.” The same goes for areas he describes as “controlled by rebels” to the north. Martin says the flashpoints and no-go areas are now well-known to him, but fears the insecurity is encroaching. “Yesterday there was fighting in the area between Abobo and Adjamé. This morning, just half-an-hour ago, I saw a man shot dead here. They said he was a rebel.”

Martin and others stress that while there have been targeted killings and harassment of citizens on the basis of their ethnic identity or nationality, Abidjan has not yet been hit by major eruptions of inter-communal violence. But the pre- and post-electoral political competition and accompanying violence have raised tensions and different zones are known for their political affiliations, either RHDP for Ouattara, or La Majorité Presidentielle (LMP) for Gbagbo.

Some point out that much of the shooting heard at night will be security forces and others firing into the sky, signalling their presence and not engaging the enemy. But stray bullets remain a real hazard, not just an irritant and the gunfire keeps people at home, while bars and outdoor restaurants close early.

Sifting truth from rumour

Getting an overall overview of what is going on where in Abidjan and the interior remains difficult. “People tend to go with the media they trust, representing the side they support, but they will keep an eye on what the other side is saying out of curiosity,” says Laurent Tia*, a long-time resident of Yopougon. “Rumours spread quickly. For example, there was a report of Nigerian mercenaries arriving in Bouaké to fight against Gbagbo. So you had Jeunes Patriotes at road-blocks searching cars, asking for Nigerian nationals, or ‘Anangos’.”

Many of the stories concern impending attacks from one neighbourhood to another or arms caches being discovered and communiqués being issued, containing instructions for military operations. Supporters of both sides are prone to making verbal threats, raising tensions and promoting fear.

“There are roadblocks all over here now,” says Wouilly from Yopougon. “The Jeunes Patriotes are more important than the municipal authorities except for in areas like Wassaakra and Port-Bouet 2 where the RHDP has its strongholds.” Wouilly says the roadblocks had been more disciplined of late, but their high-profile presence contributed to tensions. He too warned of rumours and false stories, recalling police accounts of being sent on false missions to track down arms caches.

South of the lagoon

In Koumassi, south of the lagoon, residents talk of a “front-line” between the SICOGI district, with a large Catholic community, and adjoining Dioulabougou, where Malinké Muslims are by far the dominant group.

“Rival youth movements on both sides have their political affiliations and a long history of mutual animosity, so there has been a lot of score-settling,” Max, a SICOGI resident confirmed. “I have heard of a youth group visiting both areas and trying to restore confidence, but I’m not sure what impact it has had. What is really worrying is the kind of war psychosis you see, this feeling that a major confrontation is coming and many people seem to actually want this. I took in my brother and his wife because they wanted to get away from the violence in Abobo, but I don’t know about here.”

Jeunes Patriotes’ leader Charles Blé Goudé visited Koumassi recently and his appeal for a mass mobilization of young activists appears to have gone down well in the pro-Gbagbo parts of Koumassi, where the “salle de fêtes”, used for meetings, cultural events and marriages, is one of several designated rallying points for Jeunes Patriotes across Abidjan.

Still at peace

“It’s a different story here,” says Eugène, who lives in Marcory, just west of Koumassi. Eugène told IRIN that Marcory had seen little violence. “There is a bit more prosperity here and communities have tended to get on better. There is not the same distrust. I was in Adjamé the other day to the north and it was a very different atmosphere, much tenser.” Radio Téré, the local station for Adjamé, was burned down recently. The station in Marcory is still broadcasting 24 hours a day, albeit under serious financial constraints.

''It is up to the leaders to sit down and sort things out… People are talking about another Rwanda here. We have nothing but bad things in our head for now''

But Eugène said Marcory was a shadow of its former self. “I am constantly amazed by how few cars you see on the road when you used to have so many traffic jams around here.” As in other areas, many businesses have closed, while shops and bars close early. Many houses stand empty, available for rent at knockdown prices, their owners and occupants often heading out of Abidjan. “They want security, they want safety,” Eugène told IRIN. “The interior of the country has become a kind of sanctuary,”

“People are not just fleeing gunfire but poverty,” explained Laurent Tia. “Some heads of households are staying on, while sending family members, particularly children, out of the city. Some want to be in the safety of their villages for now, looking to come back later. With so many losing their jobs, there is no incentive to stay. Life is much cheaper outside Abidjan.”

Despite major increases in transport costs, the mass exodus from Abidjan’s different bus stations continues unabated. In addition to strong competition for places and roadblocks, passengers have to contend with dangerously overcrowded buses and a number of serious accidents have been reported.

Scepticism

UN agencies and NGOs have warned of serious difficulties in getting aid to those on the move, not just those who have crossed the borders, but the hundreds of thousands internally displaced.

There is widespread scepticism about the ability of the African Union (AU), Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) and UN to turn things round. The ECOWAS meeting in Abuja, following up on recommendations from the AU’s Panel of Five, wrapped up in Abuja on 24 March with condemnations of violence, appeals to the UN to protect civilians and transfer power to Ouattara, the “universally recognized” head of state. ECOWAS also called for tougher sanctions against Gbagbo and reaffirmed, albeit obliquely, its willingness to use force to oust him.

But its recommendations fell well short of those issued by the International Crisis Group (ICG) on 22 March, whose communiqué warned bluntly: “Côte d’Ivoire is no longer on the brink of civil war; it has already begun.” The ICG called on ECOWAS “to decide on the establishment of a military mission whose objective would be to allow the regional community to protect, along with UNOCI forces, all people residing in Côte d’Ivoire in the very likely case of the eruption of massive violence”.

In the absence of international solutions, people have little faith in internal peace initiatives. “Civil society organizations have tried, but they are too compromised or too weak,” a woman in Yopougon complained. “You get declarations saying: ‘stop the violence’, but the religious leaders and civil society types have been overtaken by events,” said Eugène in Marcory.

“It is up to the leaders to sit down and sort things out,” Rachel told IRIN. “People are talking about another Rwanda here. We have nothing but bad things in our head for now.”

*Not their real names

Ivory Coast: “People should not be misled by Gbagbo’s appeal for inter-Ivorian dialogue”, Crisis Group

The future Gbagbo proposes for his country is war, anarchy and violence, with ethnic, religious and xenophobic dimensions. Ivorian state television, which is controlled by the outgoing regime, recently aired images of the bodies of rebels killed by security forces, described as nationals of other countries in West Africa, namely Burkina Faso, Senegal and Mali, which in the context of years of indoctrination through xenophobic rhetoric is open encouragement for reprisals against immigrant communities.

Open Letter to Heads of State and Government of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) on the Situation in Côte d’Ivoire

Excellencies,

We are deeply concerned about the worsening security situation in Côte d’Ivoire and urge enhanced efforts to stop the country’s slide into full-scale civil war, which would likely involve ethnic cleansing and other mass atrocity crimes. On 10 March 2011, the Peace and Security Council of the African Union ended the debate on the outcome of Côte d’Ivoire’s 28 November 2010 presidential election by endorsing the report of the panel of the five heads of state who confirmed Alassane Ouattara as the sole legitimate president of the country. Unfortunately, this pronouncement has done little to relieve the crisis, because the incumbent regime responded with renewed armed attacks on Ouattara supporters and violent repression of the population.=2 0

Daily attacks on civilians, including reports of forced disappearances, rapes and torture, continue, and the death toll far exceeds the UN’s confirmed count of 440 dead. Fighting between forces loyal to incumbent President Laurent Gbagbo and those allied to Alassane Ouattara has increased, including the use of heavy weapons, and widespread population displacement paralleled by hate speech and incitement to violence are worrying indicators of a deepening crisis and the potential for ethnic cleansing and other forms of mass killing. Côte d’Ivoire is no longer on the brink of civil war; it has already begun.

The Economic Community Of West African States (ECOWAS), with the support of the African Union, should offer Gbagbo a final chance for a peaceful departure, while actively preparing to oust his regime by all necessary means before it is too late. The massive investment the international community has made in peace and security in West Africa for nearly two decades is under threat.

In a 3 March report, the International Crisis Group identified three scenarios in the short term: “decay and lasting division of the country”, “social crisis and popular insurrection”, and “civil war”. We stressed that the civil war scenario accompanied by civilian massacres was the most likely, and that the situation in Côte d’Ivoire constituted a serious and imminent threat to peace and security throughout West Africa. Unfortunately, the facts on the ground are proving us correct.

People should not be misled by Gbagbo’s appeal for inter-Ivorian dialogue and his call for an end to the violence, delivered through the spokesman for his unrecognised government on 18 March. The outgoing president did not make a clear and definitive recognition of Ouattara’s election win, and the following day, Gbagbo’s Minister for Youth, Charles Blé Goudé, called on young Ivorians to enlist in the army en masse “to free Côte d’Ivoire from bandits”.

The future Gbagbo proposes for his country is war, anarchy and violence, with ethnic, religious and xenophobic dimensions. Ivorian state television, which is controlled by the outgoing regime, recently aired images of the bodies of rebels killed by security forces, described as nationals of other countries in West Africa, namely Burkina Faso, Senegal and Mali, which in the context of years of indoctrination through xenophobic rhetoric is open encouragement for reprisals against immigrant communities.

ECOWAS must not give in to Gbagbo’s blackmail. The physical and economic security of West African nationals living in Côte d’Ivoire will never be secured by a regime that coarsely manipulates the rhetoric of solidarity with “brother countries” while threatening their citizens and unleashing militias to terrorise opponents. All of West Africa faces the risk of being severely weakened by the return to civil war in Côte d’Ivoire and the disintegration of its central government. ECOWAS must now take decisive political and military measures to prevent a much greater crisis emerging.

Excellencies, as you meet on 23 and 24 March in Abuja, we invite you to:

  • ask the High Representative to be appointed by the president of the Commission of the African Union to provide a last chance for the outgoing president to leave in a dignified manner with guarantees of security, and to require an immediate response from him;
  • decide on the establishment of a military mission whose objective would be to allow the regional community to protect, along with UNOCI forces, all people residing in Côte d’Ivoire in the very likely case of the eruption of massive violence, to support military action and decisions which could be taken by ECOWAS in accordance with developments in the months to come, and help President Ouattara and his government to ensure authority over all defence and security forces and to control the entire territory;
  • ask the United Nations Security Council to consider emergency measures that could take the form of preventive military actions by UNOCI to more effectively protect civilian populations, such as disabling the mobility of armed elements undertaking indiscriminate attacks with heavy weaponry in Abidjan;
  • ask the Peace and Security Council of the African Union and the UN Security Council to adopt individual sanctions against those who reject the decision of the Peace and Security Council of the African Union dated 10 March 2011, those who are responsible for deliberate attacks on civilians, and those who openly call for violence, or are responsible for broadcast and print media messages inciting hatred and violence.

ECOWAS has played a key role since the beginning of the Ivorian crisis. Its leadership is more important than ever. Since 28 November 2010, Gbagbo’s efforts to remain in power no longer leave any doubt about the serious threat that his regime poses to peace and security throughout West Africa. The cost of inaction is much higher now than that of taking strong political and military measures.

With our highest consideration,

Louise Arbour
President of the International Crisis Group

Investigative Editor Bisong Etahoben Attacked in Cameroon

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Bisong

FAIR has expressed its deep distress and urgent concern regarding an incident in Limbe, Cameroon, whereby a car, at high speed, drove into Weekly Post investigative editor Chief Bisong Etahoben. Fortunately the incident resulted only in bruises as Etahoben (58) managed to jump away. Shocked bystanders stated that the ‘mad or blind’ driver, who swerved from the opposite side of the road and seemed to aim for the editor, who was walking on the pavement, could have killed him. The incident happened last Wednesday.

Etahoben’s Weekly Post and people associated with it have been the target of a number of attacks by unknown people and also of what Etahoben calls ‘financial strangulation’ tactics by the government. Last year, a Weekly Post journalist was severely assaulted by unknown people in the course of an investigation into the wealth of Confederation of African Soccer president Issa Hayatou. Last week, almost simultaneously with the attack in Limbe, Etahoben’s son, who studies in the UK, was mugged. The Weekly Post also experiences financial distress as a result of ‘strangulation tactics’ whereby the government commissions adverts or printing and then refuses to pay the bills.

The Weekly Post is the main investigative paper in Cameroon. It has investigated and published many corruption issues, mainly relating to local and continental soccer administrators and the ruling elite in the country.

In a comment, Chief Etahoben said that he recognised the driver of the car that hit him. “He is a person who drives a senior official and hobnobs with people in high places.” The Weekly Post has attempted to trace the individual, but only found out that he was last seen on the Wednesday of the incident. He appears to have disappeared after hitting Etahoben.

FAIR urges media and colleagues internationally to help place the spotlight on the media situation in Cameroon. ‘The spotlight could help send a message to the ruling elite that they can’t attack people and get away with it”, FAIR director Evelyn Groenink said.

Thousands of Foreigners are Trying to Flee the Chaos in Libya

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In the past week, the phrase “African mercenaries” has been repeated by Libyan citizens and rolling news, eyewitnesses to the violence in Tripoli have spat the word “African” with venomous hatred.

Part of the Libyan story now is the scramble to escape of Turks, Germans, Indians, Englishmen, Italians, Malaysians and a host of other nationalities that include black men commonly known as Africans.

In the violence of the last fortnight, the colonel’s African connections have only served to rekindle a deep-rooted racism between Arabs and black Africans.

As mercenaries, reputedly from Chad and Mali fight for him, a million African refugees and thousands of African migrant workers stand the risk of being murdered for their tenuous link to him.

One Turkish construction worker told the BBC: “We had 70-80 people from Chad working for our company. They were cut dead with pruning shears and axes, attackers saying: ‘You are providing troops for Gaddafi.’ The Sudanese were also massacred. We saw it for ourselves.”

Libya’s new forces for change have simply picked up where the colonel left off his bloodletting.

And as the world moves to freeze Libya’s assets, they must unpick the intricate web of the colonel’s investments and decide what is his and what is Libya’s – although in 42 years of absolute power it has never been easy to tell the difference.

Belated noises are now coming from the African Union, condemning the use of violence.

Even that anonymous community made from that meaningless phrase – the international community – now deny ever arming him, and claim there is no evidence that their teargas has been used against protesters, as if teargas floats in the colours of a national flag so we can all know where it was made as we choke.

The forces of change must now hope that Mr Gaddafi’s fighting friends evaporate, and he can live out his last days in a tent pitched on a hotel lawn once owned by Libya, or Gaddafi plc; or face the music.

For more on events in Africa listen to the BBC’s Network Africa Weekend programme on Saturday and Sunday at 0400 GMT and 0600 GMT.

If you would like to comment on Farai Sevenzo’s latest column, please use the form below. A selection of views will be published.

There is no love lost between Africans and Arabs and it definitely does not start with events in Libya; it just provides the best opportunity to clear the Arab country of the despised hue and physiognomy that the African represents. If we Africans are not highly exploitable, we can never be exploited!

Fodei M. Conteh, Sierra Leone & Cyprus

Black Africans today have forgotten the first survival lesson taught by our grandparents “Do not eat anything offered to you by strangers on the roadside — Do not tell reveal your real or family names — Do not go into their houses even if they offer to slaughter a fat cow. Stay within your family compound and be satsfied with your mother’s cooking.” What is happening in Libya today is the ancient curse of the leopard — rather sad that so many innocent people must get caught in this judgment.

Margaret S. Maringa,

Look folks, Gaddafi current plight is a classic case of chicken coming home to roost. For more than a decade this demon has exported violence in poor African countries. He is the main purveyor of voilence on the continent and his bloodletting extends from Central Africa (Chad) to the West (Liberia). He did not hesitate to lend hand to those who sought to destabilize a peaceful and functioning government. Little did he know that one day his dirty deeds will catch up with him. His time is up and he must heed the will of the Libyan people and leave.

Nyaquoi Gehgan, USA

I come from Sierra Leone now a US citizen. The reason why I left my country in 1998 was because of the war. I bore the blunt of that war and allegedly financed by Ghadafi. I want him gone.and tried for terrorism and crimes against humanity.

Henry Williams, USA/Sierra Leone

Although the name Gaddafi is a known name in Africa, but its a name that evokes diverse opinions within the African continent. To this day Africans find it hard to reconcile what he claim to stand for with his actions over the years. The idea of playing and parading himself as the eagle and leader of a revolution that is very unpopular among Africans would have found a better meaning, if he had sincerely tried to build his country beyond himself. At this moment that he is under the flood-light, we can’t but see him better and understand what he is made of, just as many Africans now feel a sense of shame to have had him as the AU chairman not long ago. If Kwame Nkrumah left a legacy, what can we say that Gaddafi built over the ages that are not crumbling even now that he is still alive.

Obaa Emmanuel Livingspring, Madrid, Spain

When I was growing up I first read a comic book of his revolution at the age of ten. Since then as dictators came and went.Colonel Gadaffi has made an impression on me as a Man who truely loves Africa! Infact Libyans could complain that he spent their wealth on other africans! but if those Africans he helped put in power built schools and mosques and many forms of development just to show that Africans can for themselves. if those africans would abandon him to be swallowed by Western Impellialism and their lies and just let him go as a dictator in the name of the so called democracy…if they could do that…they should receive the the names and fate that the western press gives our beloved leader. If there is any one person who was half as generous as he is let them step forward.

Preston White, London

This man has been accused of many things and listening to the West who just recently were happy to accept his generous hospitality, you will think that he is worst than Hitler. The racism and contemptuous attitudes of Arabs towards black African has made a natural sceptic of any overtures from them to forge a closer link with black Africa but Gaddafi was an exception. Yes, he may have been implicated in destabilising some African governments but his contribution to freedom courses throughout the continent and beyond and his investment should not be overlooked. When the West ignored the young military junta in The Gambia following the coup in 1994, he embraced them and supported them with cash and one of the biggest hotels in Banjul belongs to Libya but I now learnt that his former friend Yaya Jammeh is calling for him to go. How time changes?

Musa Bah, London

Sure Gaddafi contributed many unwise, ill advice adventures in the African continent including the destruction of Somali nation. And the Libya people are now taking the same road, using same violent as Gaddafi killing innocent African people in Libya. In my small hometown in northern Somalia there are confirm reports that three Somali refuge from this area were shot dead in Tripoli.

Ahmed, Buhodle, Somalia

Prinston has said it all.Western imperialism is at work here.I think we should support Ghadaffi because when we saw protesters in Tunisia and Egypt they were not carrying weapons but these CIA and MI6 and whatever else Propped agents are carrying weapons how can we tell who kills who in Libya. Ghaddafi is a sitting Leader so he has the right to stop the destabilization of his government.Will the American or any of these hypocritical governments allow it’s citizen to protest like that without trying overtly or covertly to control the stages? in fact any government will try to control the stage and work for it’s and the people’s interest?

Jibrin Ibn Gadamosi, NIGERIA

The lunatic muamur gaddafi,who has been in power for 42 year,yet his quest for power make him to be killing his own people like fowls.It’ very unfortunate and regretable that he is using black poor african to carry out this mass killing with europeans weopons. Illitracy and lack of moral convictions has made this mad man to order airstrikes against peaceful protesters.It is not a suprise that it took italian prime minister long before he condem his ally use of heavy bombardment aginst women and children protesters,just because of oil.

Paul Chibuzor Anyaorah, Amaokpala Town, Orumba North, Nigeria

To many an African, black African, who has had to endure the brunt of Gaddafi’s numerous escapades characterized pseudo-revolutionary rhetoric and sponsored violence, the sooner he exits the better. for Libya, Africa/the region and world at large. But even as the desired hastened departure of Gaddafi assumes the dominant thinking of his many victims and ‘ideological’ (that is, if he ever had any ideology) nemesis/critics, the potential reply of Iraq’s Saddam Hussein, including the post Hussein Irag, should never be relegated with a whiff to the unconscious, even subconscious. How naive to believe, even wish, that four unbroken decades of consolidated megalomania and active promotion of international terrorism, the latter with the real prospect of Gaddafi having to account for his egregious crimes, will he exit the comfort and protection offered by him being at Libya’s helm without a flexing of the muscle. Any surprise he and his sons have hollered to ‘fight to the death,’ and ‘in rivers of blood!’ Without a doubt, it is the expected fallout form all this for Libya, Africa/the region and world security, and how it can be managed, that must now actively exercise world thinking. This should be contemplated against the backcloth of the reported plethora of weapons of violence at Gaddafi’s disposal, even as he continues to be cornered by his long oppressed masses. Gaddafi’s potential to deliberately proliferate such lethal weapons of violenc, as is already evident in Libya, and the implications for Libya, the region and the world should not be taken with a wait-and-see attitude. Ignoring that will sooner rather than later be at our collective peril. Hope not! That said, for now it seems the chickens have come home to roost for Moamar Gaddafi.

A.M. Collier, Freetown, Sierra Leone

It is so sad to hear mute responses from alot of African Governments. Not that they have not formed up there opinions but its largely because alot of these Governemnts have long dismissed him as jocker. Angola for example ruled by another dictator sitting on an oil economy Mr. Jose Eduardo dos Santos has never paid attention to who Gaddafi is. And this factor and attitude reflects in the Angola people as well. Angolan people are busy rebuilding their country. Angola was the only country which infact slowed Gaddadfi’s program of wanting to declare the African Union as one nation at the time Gaddafi had wanted. The Angolan President is also heavily involved in Ivory Coast and yet the International community does not seem to know as to how handle Mr. Santos. Oil money I guese!1What is sad however is the fact that while Libya is experiencing all these changes, Angola is sinking deeper and no one would ever attempt to stand up to Jose Eduardo dos Santos.The only good thing is the fact that Gaddafi is going down, and as to whether the remaining dictators ( Santos, Biye and Museveni) have anything to learn will be a wait and see situation. Ultimately they should all go!!!!

Esperanca Baptista, Angola/USA

Gadhafi claims he has no official post, just a leader or patron of the revolution. Then when the noose began to tighten around his neck he said he was like the Queen of the United Kingdom; he had no real power. So I said how amazing and ironic is that this guy overthrew a monarchy only to install himself as a secular monarch, actually in the process of preparing his son, Saif-Islam, to take over him, the Syrian way. It is high pass noon since he should have been gone long ago. This guy has had a hand in many destabilizing events on the continent, including Sierra Leone, Liberia, The Gambia, Chad, Burkina Faso and even my country Ghana where he sponsored the 1981 coup of JJ Rawlings. The murderous Rawlings regime stayed for 19years before he and his party were kicked out by the people. Suddenly Gadhafi’s time is up, and he has nowhere to run to but to stay, fight and die. He will get his death wish, in the next few days. But then he is not alone, there are a lot of Gadhafis on the African continent who came by coups and metamorphosed into undeclared life-presidents. This is the reason for the muted response coming from the African continent, as no leader has been bold enough to call on Gadhafi to step down. Probably they are praying incessantly that he survives and prevails over the forces aligned against him. Fear is that the wind of change that is currently sweeping across North Africa might turn southerly very soon to blow them away. The signs are written on the wall. The Africans have lost their fear of dictators. When Gadhafi made his coup in 1969, Barack Obama was only six years and in Grade 1. That is how long ago. Game over.

Eric Bottah, Canada

In Africa even a ten year-old has ever heard about this man whose name is synonymous with violence.I agree with the colleagues who have correctly stated that the man destabilished the whole continent by interfering in internal affairs of countries.Like Napoleon Bonaparte he has an insatiable appetite for power and glory.It is the search for these that has consumed all his energies in pushing for an impractical ‘United States of Africa’ with no one but himself as the omnipotent leader and his fellow lunatic- Mugabe as his deputy. Ugandans were surprised when this demon once came to Kampala and advised Museveni not to leave power for as he put it ‘Revolutionaries do not retire’ and Museveni has taken up this advice since ! He even had the guts to promote Museveni’s son to a military rank of his choice, forgetting that Uganda is not Libya where he is a god. I really dont see him surviving for another week. It is time to leave Libya or commit suicide. Other African dictators who have glued themselves in presidency should better watch out because popular protests cannot be stopped by the barrels of bombs.

Grace, Kampala , Uganda

This demon only turned his sights south toward black Africa after his Arab brothers refused to back him up when Reagan bombed him in 1986. The results were catastrophic with his export of wars and its resultant carnage to our people. I watched with disgust his feeble attempts to correct his sins by giving handouts of his iol money to our governments in Sierra Leone in an effort to make ammends. I was praying that our leaders tell him to keep his blood stained largese and “Go to hell” inspite of our poverty. The guy is comical and I hope he is toppled to face justice for all his crimes.

Bai Turay, USA from Sierra Leone

What amazes me most is the fact that Gaddafi still believes that killing largely unarmed Libyan citizens is good for ‘Libya’. I am inclined to believe that it has always been about himself and not Libya or Africa that drives his policies. What kind of a man is he that, instead of accepting that there is more to life than Gaddafi, would rather burn the whole country to spite those that dare challenge his supposed invincibility? He is certainly raising the stacks and I hope that he is also prepared to fall spectaculary and hard enough for the sake of our history. Does anyone remember a GREAT AND SEEMINGLY INVINCIBLE man who was later pulled by his whiskers from a foul-smelling rat hole? The right thing for Gaddafi and his family to do is to stop the killings, gather whatever loot they have hoarded and say their goodbys to Libya. We all know that he is only a human being who has been addicted to power and pampering so much that he now believes that losing those would be the same as being dead. I feel for the fellow innocent black Africans who have found themselves in a hostile Arab community that had never accepted the fact that they also are Africans. The fact that they can prove that they are peaceful economic migrants will not save them as they are a race that had always been dispised by the Arabs. Unlike the fortunate nationalities that are being whisked to safety by the rich governments and countries, the black Africans have to find their own ways of escaping. On the way, they should be praying that they do not come across any groups of Arabs.

Bernedict Dzumbira, Leeds, UK

Arab slave trade on the African continent left a lot of wounds in the minds of those aware of this dark history, from the kidnapping of African Women and Children, to the Genocide of Africans by Oman Arab slave traders, Arab states have been shy in apologising about their continent’s role in brutalising Africa.The case of Sudan where an Arab led Government has continued to practice enslavement of Black Africans is a constant reminder in the minds of Black Activists that we need to challenge and hold accountable the Arab states role in Africa colonisation and enslavement on their own continent.

Desire Katihabwa, Aberdeen,Scotland

It serves Quadafi right. He is reaping what he’s sown. In Ghana we believe in an old saying, “just prior to the goat”s death, it struggles”. This is the end of Quadafi. He is done, gone, finished. This is the man who supported Jerry Rawlings of Ghana to topple a legitimate regime in Ghana in 1981. He used Libyan money to finance such useless actions throughout the African continent. Just like his son said, plans A, B and C are to live and die in Libya. This is absolutely true but I promise them, they have a few weeks to live if these plans work out for them.

Tony Osei-Wusu, Salisbury/USA

Long live Colonel Qaddafi. The brotherly leader is a legend. A man who helped secure the independence of South Africa. He has built his country from scratch. He has entertained us for the past 42 years. Without the Colonel, the politics of the world would’ve been boring…The other reason I’m not that excited about getting rid of Muammar Qaddafi is because I know that the intentions of the imperialist powers are on Libya’s oil… So I say, if there is going be looting of the Libyan peoples resources let it be the brotherly leader of the Revolution Colonel Muammar Qaddafi….As a Somali I support him.

Elyas, Somali

It would be wise for those jumping to conclusions about the role of the so called “Africans” to stop and look at the geographical location of Libya first!! Libya is African in a sense that it is part of continental African; and if those claiming to be Arabs and not Africans are not willing to accept their African identity, then any other African (whether black, red, white or blue) has the right to reside in Libya as it is an African country. Now, this is not suppose to be a matter of races but it has been made so by those who failed to direct their anger at their leader and blames it on other innocent Africans who happens to be in Libya!! The Southern Sudanese weren’t willing to be oppressed by leaders who happens to be Arabs but they did not just killed any Sudanese who happens be Arab….they went after government and its forces!! it took them 21 years to get their freedom and they do not kill or resent any Arabs who lives in the South, for example, Yasir Arman is Arabs and he is a leader in the Sudanese People Liberation Movement (SPLA/SPLM)!

Bol, Australia

He has done lot of harm to Africa than any African leader. Even my own country The Gambia’s ruler Yahya Jammeh, is mentored and inspired by the green revolution since most of them were trained and mentored in Libya. Yahya Jammeh governement is identical to Ghadaffi system of governing Libyans. He helped and financed Yahya Jammeh to stay in power to build a dictorial rule in Gambia which is one of the most ruthless in West Africa.

Badara, Banjul, Gambia

Whatever every pundits say about Gadafi, his is one of Africa’s greatest patriot. He made a mistake and over stayed in power, he will leave without any credits just like Museveni who might go the same way despite the goods thing he might do.

kizito paloguca, Pocatello, Idaho

It is a testimony to the excellence of this African viewpoint article that it has attracted so many high calibre comments. I was torn between my Pan Africanist zeal for Gadaffi and others who have taken a leading position in creating and sustaining a United states of Africa ….and my abhorrence of the methods used in order to destabilise, destroy or prop up regimes on the Continent that are deemed in the strategic interest of the West or the rest, including Gadaffi’s Libya. Reading what everyone has written has inspired me to contribute too. It is more than high time that the leaders that will bring our people and Africa upwards and forwards emerge and we will know them by their fruits and not their bribes.

Patricia Lamour, London

One thing seems abundantly clear from the messages posted so far: nearly 42 years in power have not served to give us a standard spelling of the guy’s name!To those who applaud him for treating Libya’s money as his own and dispensing it to all and sundry, I guess there we have in microcosm what is wrong with our continent. That a man can mistreat his people and misappropriate his country’s wealth and still be feted is all that one needs to know. He may have stolen the money but the fact that he built variosu edifices and propped up the AU makes everything alright. Forty two years? Come on, that’s more than enough for anyone sit on a throne. Now, it seems his backside’s going to be sore from the kicking he’s getting, not from sitting so long. Shame on those who applaud a tyrant because they or their country benefitedfrom his largesse.

Ade Daramy, London, UK

Tyrants : How Muammar al-Qaddafi Taught a Generation of Bad Guys

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Muammat Gaddaffi

Col. Muammar al-Qaddafi is well known now for the abuses he has inflicted on his own people during more than four decades of brutal rule in Libya, but few remember the vast campaign of carnage and terrorism he orchestrated across West Africa and Europe when he was at the height of his powers. Nor are his more recent alliance with Hugo Chávez of Venezuela and his long-standing relationship with Daniel Ortega of Nicaragua — both of whom are busy trampling their constitutions and moving toward dictatorship — well understood. And the fact that all three governments support the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC), a terrorist group that produces more than half of the world’s cocaine and two-thirds of the cocaine entering the United States, is usually ignored.

Ortega and Chávez are among the handful of leaders to publicly defend the Libyan leader’s attacks on his own people and urge him to hang on for one last revolutionary battle. In 2004, Qaddafi awarded Chávez the al-Qaddafi Internatioanal Prize for Human Rights, created by the Libyan dictator. Chávez, who in turn bestowed Venezuela’s highest civilian honor on Qaddafi in 2009 while comparing him to South American liberator Simón Bolívar, has now offered publicly to mediate the Libyan conflict. Thus far, only Qaddafi has reportedly accepted the offer.

The ties that bind Qaddafi to some of the world’s most repressive regimes and armed movements began in the 1980s, when he was regarded as one of the premier terrorist threats in the world. Flush with oil money, Qaddafi orchestrated a training campaign for those who became the most brutal warlords in much of Africa, a legacy that has left the region crippled and unstable today.

Qaddafi’s World Revolutionary Center (WRC) near Benghazi became, as scholar Stephen Ellis noted in his classic 2001 book The Mask of Anarchy, the “Harvard and Yale of a whole generation of African revolutionaries,” many of them the continent’s most notorious tyrants. There, recruits from different countries were hosted in camps in the desert and given training in weapons and intelligence techniques, with some doses of ideological training based on Qaddafi’s Green Book. Courses lasted from a few weeks to more than a year, depending on the level of specialization and rank one had.

In addition to the African contingents, Qaddafi’s cadres trained the Sandinistas from Nicaragua, along with other Latin American revolutionary movements, and in the process developed an enduring relationship with Ortega. Later Qaddafi developed a close and ongoing relationship with the FARC, becoming acquainted with its leaders in meetings of revolutionary groups regularly hosted in Libya. 

At the WRC in the 1980s and 1990s, a select group of the students, drawn from the broader group of attendees, formed a fraternity of despots who provided mutual support in their bloody and ruthless campaigns for power and wealth. That durable network still wields considerable influence today through its alumni still in power, including Blaise Compaoré of Burkina Faso and Idriss Déby of Chad.

The one thing that held these disparate thugs together was their broad anti-American agenda, which led Qaddafi to support other dictators. Qaddafi’s closest ally in the region was murderous Robert Mugabe, who although he is not a WRC alumnus, has been propped up by direct Libyan donations and subsidized oil shipments, primarily hundreds of millions of dollars in oil shipments. Relations between the two countries have been more strained in recent days when Zimbabwe could not repay its Libyan debt. Qaddafi seems to have made out well in his investments. After he intervened militarily in the Central African Republic in 2001, the president he protected, Ange-Félix Patassé, signed a deal giving Libya a 99-year lease to exploit all of that country’s natural resources, including uranium, copper, diamonds, and oil. In Zimbabwe, Qaddafi acquired at least 20 luxurious properties after riding to Mugabe’s rescue; he also got a stake in some of the few still-viable state enterprises.

But West Africa bore the brunt of Qaddafi’s early ambitions. Liberia, the U.S. stronghold in West Africa in the Cold War, was of particular interest to Qaddafi, especially after President Ronald Reagan ordered a bombing attack in 1986 against Libya that killed one of his daughters.

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